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Speech on Philosophic Evaluation Of Economic Reforms In Communist Countries - I
 

Philosophic Evaluation Of Economic Reforms In Communist Countries - I

DR. SHRIKANT JICHKAR
Minister of State for Information and
Public Relations, GAD, Energy, Finance and Protocol

THE closing years of the last century witnessed the great philosophical division in the socialist movement. Now the closing years of this century is witnessing the great divide in the world communist movement. The ideas of socialism emanated from the philosophical writings of many a socialist like Proudhon, Owen Fourier. Karl Marx attained the glory in the philosophic accomplishment of scientific socialism. His scientific socialism is known to us for the last hundred years.

During the life time of Marx and Engels itself, their nearest and dearest communists had deviated from their trail of communist philosophy. The Lassalenian socialist formed their own democratic socialism. It was a big blow to Marxian socialism. Bernstein and Kautsky deviated after the death of Engels in 1895. They were condemned as revisionists by the official communists. Lenin was friendly with Kautsky in the beginning but has sharply criticised him as the leader of reformism in Marxist movement of Europe.

The first state of the proletariat was formed after the Great Russian Revolution in 1917. Lenin had very little time to rationalise the functioning of the Socialist State. However, he could bring many different views in his party into some disciplined logical thinking and behaviour. The rise of Stalin till his death was a period of absence of freedom in the theoretical explorations in the economic theories of scientific socialism. In this exploration many known leaders of the Russian communist movements were the victims of the polemical debating on the road to communism.

Trostky, Priobrezensky, Bukharin, are some of the names who involved themselves in the debate on the economic analysis in the domain of the construction of socialism.

They had to leave the party and disappear with disgrace.

After the death of Stalin, the semblance of freedom was restored in Soviet Union. The famous book of Stalin << Economic Problems of Socialism in USSR ff was criticised by many scholars. Prof. Y. Varga's book on politico-economic problems of capitalism included one essay on the critical review of Stalin and his theorem in the book published by him in 1952. The errors of Stalin have been disclosed in this essay.
Economic reform was approved by the 23rd Congress of the CPSU in 1965. We know that the thesis of Prof. Liberman was conveyed to the people. Profit and loss accounting became the cornerstone of the reconstruction of the enterprises in the planned socialist Soviet Union. The Nobel prize winner Prof. Kantarovitch, who had submitted the model of linear programming for the pricing in the Soviet Union, was also popular for some period in the realm of economics of socialism. Personality cult was removed, but the cult of the dogmas surrounding the phrases quoted from Marx, Lenin and socialism went on moving from one view to another. Gorbachev has succinctly made an observation in this respect. One dogma is replaced by another dogma. Gorbachev associated with the leadership of Andropov. He has been pursuing the lines explored by Andropov, with vigour and openness.

Economic reform in Soviet Union is not a phenomenon with some strange leadership possessing some strange solution. It is a continuation in the search of the solution of the economics of socialism.

The issue was raised in the realm of theory by Prof. Ludwig Mises in the year 1930. The theoretical parameter of the thesis of Prof. Mises was so sharp that the economists belonging to the Marxist school had welcomed the issue in the domain of Marxism. Prof. Oscar Lange and Prof. Taylor had written essays to seek solution to the poser of Ludwig Mises. The debate was followed in more details and many dimensions by Prof. Maurice Dobb, Prof. Dickinson, Prof. Ronald Meek etc.

What was the issue in the economic theory of socialism ? It is the theory of pricing. How will the prices be formed in the objective law of value in the domain of Marxism ? the price will be determined by objective forces of demand and supply. Alternatively, the price will be determined by the laws of the State. In this context of the price, the Soviet scholars also discuss the price of labour. This is the parameter of wage system in socialism.

The scholars in America and Europe have stopped studies in this area of socialism, because they have concluded that Marxian economic theory is full of errors. Their economists, however, study the economic developments and policies in communist countries. They try to disclose the weaknesses in the development of the growth process.

I have not come across any comprehensive study by Indian scholars on the phenomenon of the price formation in socialist economy. I shall correct myself if somebody can help me to amend my opinion. Dr. M. G. Bokare is the exception in this domain of economic theory of socialism. I have studied this aspect of socialism with his help and have shared some of the facts with him. It is, however, not necessary that my views are fully those of Dr. Bokare. There are minor differences. Recently, I could get some books by the Chinese scholars who have undertaken the task of exploration in socialism. Four Modernisations is the Chinese version of economic reform. Prof. Ma Hong of the Chinese Academy has vividly discussed the errors in the Marxist interpretation of socialist planning in China. He has pointed out the weaknesses of Lenin's law of investments in socialist economy.

Moscow News, New Times, Far Eastern Affairs, International Affairs, etc. are published from Moscow. Many books are now available on economic reforms. I have drawn the data from these official publications. The opinions expressed in this study are based on these official publications and also the books published earlier by the Soviet Union. I shall amend my views if more data are made available to me.

This historical retrospect of economic theory of socialism is important because its manifestation today is discussed in the realm of economic reform in Soviet Union. I am studying this phenomenon with the spirit endorsed by Marx himself. Philosophical investigations need bold, free mind, said Marx.

"Nobody has ever benefited from the ignorance of history", said Marx angrily to reproach Mr. Whitling, who was arguing the doubtful aspect of the trade union movement. The history of the economic reform in communist countries, of late, has some lesson for the scholars of Marxism. The contours of economic reform in Soviet Union and China is the frame of reference of this essay.

It is now more than five years that the Chinese leadership is experimenting with economic reform In the Soviet Union, the 23rd-Congress in 1965 had approved the proposition on economic reform. Gorbachev is its latest manifestation. Economic reform in its essence is the exploration of competitive solutions to the planning of economic resources to accomplish the goals of socialism. The scholars of the same countries are, however, sceptic and express their apprehension that economic reform is a deviation from the framework of Marxism. The parameters of Marxian economics are known to all including the Marxist economists outside the communist countries. Their criticism of the economic reform obviously would be unpalatable to those who eulogise the reforms in Soviet Union and China.

The paradigm likely to be precursed in the economic reform is being disputed from the standpoint of Marxism. Either it is a paradigm of Marxian socialism or it is a departure from the same. This is the agenda in the communist movement in the world. There are disputants within the school of Marxism.

Mr. Deng has admitted it. Mr. Gorbachev uses soft language to indicate the existence of the disputants in Soviet Union. The dispute will have world wide ramifications soon. In the countries like India where the communist parties are agitating to accomplish the Marxist revolution, the leadership has to possess its own mind in this respect. It has to inform the people as well as its cadre how it would organise forces of production and the relations thereof, after the revolutionary seizure of political power. This is all the more important because the communist movement has become the joint front of the various Marxist parties and the democratic front of the opposition-progressive parties.

Standardized Academics

In the academics of Marxian economics, the scholars and the leadership have endorsed basic theories explaining the dialectics of revolutionary process engendering the transformation of capitalism into socialism. In brief, it connotes

(1) complete ownership of the means of production by the State,

(2) the State being organised as the dictatorship of the working class and

(3) such State will use the productive forces under the guidance of the centralised authority of the planning commission.

This delineation is not arbitrary or eclectic. It is a scientifically substantiated logic of dialectical development of the historical materialism. It is true that this final stage would be accomplished after the socialist revolution through the necessary stages by giving scope to small farms and household enterprises in the period of transition. All the same, the historical materialism moves towards the realisation of the above mentioned paradigm of centralised planning under the state of the working class. It is a philosophical substantiation. It is explained in the theorem of quantitative changes leading to the qualitative change. The sublation is thus achieved in dialectics.
Economic reform is characteristically a post-revolutionary phenomenon in the socialist society. It is not a phase of the transition immediately after the revolution like the one after the socialist revolution in 1917. Lenin's NEP policy was such phase of transition. The consolidation of productive forces, their centralised planning and the enlightened state of the working class are reaching their maturity. This stage is defined as a movement towards advanced socialism.

Current economic reform underlines many features some of which could be listed. The economic autonomy for the enterprises, the decentralisation in decision making, market oriented price formation, competitive wage structures etc., are some of the contours. It is assured that these features would be fully under the monitoring authority of the state of the proletariat.

The economists have to substantiate these attributes of advanced socialism in theory. To pass the resolution in the highest policy making body does not connote that it is a theory. The difference between theory and policy ought to be cognised. The unity of theory and practice is relevant in this respect. In framing a policy, exigency could be appreciated, but the theoretical substantiation of the economics of socialism cannot be overlooked. Economic reform in the communist countries has not been substantiated in its theoretical framework by the universal community of Marxist economists.

Retrospect

During the last fifty years after the socialist revolution in Russia, the official economists have been studying the aspects of socialism in the realm of economic theory. The period could be divided into three main phases. The Stalin-period, post-Stalin period, and the current period 'of Gorbachev-Deng. Many issues in the economic theory have been debated by the official economists of the communist countries. Many Marxist economists from other countries have also joined in this debate. Thus, the debate is among the Marxists as economists of the communist countries as well as the non-communist countries.

The issues of debate are as under :

(1) The nature of objective economic laws in the political economy, specially the socialist economy.
(2) The movement of law of value in the political economy of socialism.
(3) The formation of the prices in relation to the law of value in socialism.
(4) The need for interest in the investment programmes of the planned economy of socialism.
(5) The role of profit in the measurement of the efficiency of socialist enterprises.
(6) The scope of market in the allocation of the resources in socialist economy.
(7) The concept of competition in socialist economic activities.
(8) The function of money in socialist economy.
(9) The validity of marginal analysis in the socialist economy.
(10) The law of proportionate investment in the socialist planned economy, popularly called Lenin's law.

These issues are interconnected within themselves, and finally are examined from the standpoint of Marxism as scientific socialism in the realm of philosophy.

Bedlam In Theory

The most debated term of the economic reform is "market socialism". The debate was initiated by Prof. Brus of Poland but his thesis was rejected. Prof. Ota Sik of Czekoslovakia in the year 1965 published a similar essay. He was penalised for the same. He was excommunicated from the party and had to leave the homeland. Roger Garudy of the French Communist Party also endorsed the view of market socialism, for which he had to leave the party.

Moscow News dated November 30, 1986 carries an essay by the Soviet economist, Lev Voskresensky. He has outlined the features of the economic reform in Soviet Union and categorically mentioned that the essence of the reform is the socialist market. The details of the socialist market could be compared with the market socialism of Brus and Ota Sik. The content is the same ; the words are different. Socialist market and market socialism are, therefore, polemical terms used for the verbal debate.

The economic reform has been approved by the leadership in the party. Presently it appears to be a negative approach. The earlier frame of the'ory does not work. Therefore, other frame is being adopted. This experiment is going on since the 23rd Congress in 1965. Policy frames have been modified in the explorations of the goals. Today, we witness one more experiment. It is not suggested that the economic reform is against the economic theory of socialism. However, it can be stated that the document of economic reform does not explain how the above mentioned reform has been theorised. Indian scholars of Marxian economics, till today have refrained from explaining the theory of economic reform. Economic reform is a policy and we hope that Us theory would soon follow. There is nothing wrong in this exploration. However, Marxist economists should promote a critical discussion-among themselves in this respect. The known economic theory must explain the economic reform. Alternatively, economic reform should discover new economic theory of socialism. In the absence of this study, the Marxists especially in the communist parties in India, would soon experience the dilemma.

'Philosophical investigations need bold, free mind,' observed Marx in his study on Epicurus. This is all the more true on the eve of economic reform in communist countries.

The Chinese Syndrome

The first part in this series is a descriptive profile which outlines the issues to be discussed by the scholars. The ten issues pertaining to the political economy of socialism are rather technical constructs of the theory. Only a few communists in the movement will be able to judge the scientificness or otherwise of the economic reforms. These issues ought to be discussed by the scholars in economics from the standpoint of Marxian economics.

I would delineate some areas where the intellectuals in the communist movement may study in self-introspection. If we read the journals and the books published from Moscow till the middle of 1985 we can read the criticism of Chinese economic reforms by the Soviet scholars. The following is the brief list of reference.

1. Far Eastern Affairs, Moscow, April 1985 issue includes four essays of the Soviet scholars which criticise the Chinese economic reforms. There is also a book review on page 144 which has spelled out the criticism of Chinese economic reforms..

2. New Times, Moscow, No. 20 of May 1985 is a weekly that includes an essay by the Soviet scholar, Mr. V. Godyna. He has squarely criticised Chinese economic reform.

3. Party Life is a monthly of CPI, September 1985. It includes an essay by the Soviet economist, Mr. S. Agafonov. It is critical of the Chinese economic reforms.

4. Mr. V. S. Glebov has written a book, Maoism. The Curse of China. II was written in 1981. The author from USSR has criticised the Chinese policy of permitting joint ventures with foreign collaboration including those of USA and other military powers.

5. New Age of CPI dated January 8, 1987 includes two essays. Mr. Faruqui criticises Chinese economic reforms while Mr. Masood Ali Khan eulogises economic reforms in USSR.

These are very few references as the evidence of the, attitude of Soviet scholars and CPI, They disagreed with the scope and contents of economic reforms in China.
Now the criticism has been stopped. We do not read any study and criticism of economic reforms in China. Rather, there is a tilt in favour of euology of Chinese economic reform. Same is true of economic reform in Vietnam. Why ?

Mr. Gorbachev declared the economic reforms in Soviet Union and the scholars in USSR have stopped criticism of Chinese economic reforms. The economic reforms in China and Soviet Union are similar with minor and insignificant differences. Is the attitude of the Marxists as scholars scientific in their relationship with the study of economic reforms in China and now the study of similar reforms in Soviet Union ? Once the political relations have improved criticism has been stopped. This is not philosophy.

Is there any difference between the economic reforms in China and Soviet Union? There are minor differences. The words and phrases are more open in China. Soviet Union has carefully edited the documents, laws, and the discussions. There is one specific difference which we shall study in details in later discussions. Soviet Union has permitted household enterprises under its law of Individual Enterprises. Hired worker is not allowed to be employed under this law. In China also household enterprises are permitted. They can however employ workers which should not exceed eight. It is also informed in Soviet weekly, Moscow News, that in Hungary the household enterprise can employ workers which should not exceed ten.

Theoretical Evaluation

The Soviet scholars while evaluating the Chinese economic reforms had warned the Chinese readers that the reforms would engender unemployment and inflationary prices in the socialist economy. When Mr. Gorbachev initiated economic reforms in Soviet Union, the same view was expressed.

Mr. V. Scherbytyskyi was quoted in Pravada. He had expressed that economic reform would result in unemployment and would restore capitalism. This remark was published in all newspapers in the bourgeois economies. Times of India also informed this through the essay of Mr. Achin Vanaik dated November 19, 1985.

These are the results of the economic reforms in the theory of socialism. The Soviet scholars have repeatedly emphasized that economic reforms in China would engender free competition in the ultimate analysis. " The planned economy is the main thing and market regulation is auxiliary." This assurance of the Chinese leadership, the Soviet scholars observed, was a sop to cool down the tempers of the sceptic dissendents. The Soviet scholars have said, "Today, however, accents have shifted substantially, demands are being made for a restoration of the irreplaceable functions of market mechanism-automation of regulation and competition. As for the plain regulation, as some Chinese publications stress, it can not abstract itself from the market mechanism".

In short, the Soviet scholars expressedly analysed the economic reforms in China in a theoretical framework. Once the principles underlying the economic reforms are practised, the economy moves towards full scale market economy and the philosophy of planning in socialism disappears. This is the meaning of the phrase, "It cannot abstract itself." Planning for socialist society cannot be abstracted once the economic forces are allowed to play their roles in economic reforms. This is the theoretical conclusion of Soviet scholars.

If the theory is correct in case of Chinese economic reform why should it be otherwise in Soviet Union? Economic reforms create unemployment and inflation. This is one conclusion of the theory. The other conclusion is more serious. Planning for socialism is not possible (Cannot be abstracted) with the progress of economic reforms towards more and more freedom on the market.

Soviet scholar, Mr. Lev Voskresensky in his essay in Moscow News has explained that socialist market is the essence of economic reform. We have read it in the earlier pages. More the essence, lesser the socialism. This is the lesson from China endorsed by Soviet scholars quoted earlier.

The contradictory discipline among the Soviet scholars in case of China and Soviet Union has been indicated. This is dishonesty in science. Marxim is science. Political economy is a science in the domain of Marxism. The scientists, especially the Soviet economists, however, have become partisans. They criticised China earlier and now they do not criticise Soviet Union when the framework of economic reform is synonymous. Soviet scholars are sophists and not Marxists in this respect.

Crisis Among Economists

The history of economic reforms in the communist countries could be traced to the period immediately after the October Revolution. Many leaders have been condemned in this history of economic policy in relations to socialism in Soviet Union. I would not list all of them. One reference, however, is relevant in the context of economic reforms. Leon Trostky had raised the issue of pricing of commodities in the context of economic reforms. Leon Trostky had raised the issue of pricing of commodities in socialist economy through the market in Soviet Union. "Economic accounting is unthinkable without market relations". This quotation of Trostky is reproduced in the book by Prof. F. A. Hayek. Economic reform in essence is roughly a similar attempt in the current policy. The full document of Trostky is not available to me for exact comparison. Communist scholars should study it in the historical context of the present economic reforms.

We must study the recent developments on the subject of economic reforms. In the year 1955, Prof. Brus had suggested the same thing. Prof. Ota Sik had also circulated a similar essay in his country. Comrade Rogar Garudy of France in his non-economic terminology expressed on the lines which could be identified in economic reforms. This is the period when the cult of Stalin was fully criticised in the 20th Congress. After this terrible experience also, these scholars and the leaders of the communist parties were tortured for what they suggested in Market Socialism. They were excommunicated and had to leave their homelands. The following books should be read as the evidence of the criticism by the scholars in Soviet Union along with the communist scholars from east European countries.

1. Marxism and Rene" By H. Momjan, Moscow gade Garudi. 1974.
2 Contemporary Anti- By A Team of 21 Communism, Moscow scholars. 1976.
3. Right-Wing Revisio- By A Team of 32 nism Today, Moscow scholars. 1976.

This is only a partial list of the books that have been published to condemn the explorers of market socialism. These scholars have disproved in these books the propositions of many other including Garudy, Sik and Brus. There is nothing wrong in this academic discussions, dialogues and efforts to seek truth in Marxism. Rather it should be encouraged among the scholars. This is my view. The peculiar feature is, however, interesting. These scholars used the quotations and authority of Marx-Engels and Lenin to substantiate their criticism. Now the Soviet scholars substantiate economic reform by using the quotations and the authority of Marx-Engels and Lenin. We witness the phenomenon : Quotations for all and on all occasions.

This is a surprising exercise in the domain of Marxism. Scholars can prove or disprove the propositions from the same literature on Marxism. Market socialism of Garudy-Sik-Brus could be disproved by the scholars. The authority of Marxism-Leninism is commonly quoted in both the exercises.

If we read Moscow News carefully, we experience an interesting exercise. The official documents mainly of Gorbachev avoid the term market competition, price formation, consumers, etc. in the elaboration of the economic reform. However, the supplementary essays, interviews and stories by the Soviet scholars disclose these parameters of the economic reforms.

The Soviet leadership ought to muster courage to express sympathy for the treatment given to Garudy-Brus-Sik and others who were insulted for what has been paraphrased in economic reforms in the Soviet Union. China has shown this gesture. Prof. Brus was invited to participate in the discussions on economic reforms. China had earlier criticised Prof. Sik and also Prof. Brus. The leadership in China appears to be more tactful and flexible. It has maintained the status of Stalin in the ranks of Marx-Engels-Lenin and Mao. It allows its scholars to read the books of Trostky and many other descendents. This is absent in Soviet Union. China allows the philosophical literature to be explored in all directions.

It would be useful in the Soviet Union to mention the names of these people who initiated the discussions on prices, market and competition in the economic planning for socialist goals.

Worldwide Debates

Economic reforms in the domain of Marxism is the subject of study in the world communist movement, in all Marxist parties, and in all countries. The bourgeois economists would also study economic reforms in retrospect. The real challenge to economic reforms may be spelled out by the acknowledged scholars like Earnest Mandel and Paul Sweezy. Nobody can brush them aside because in their books and essays they have examined this aspect in the framework of economic theory of Marx. Maurice Dobb, Oscar Lange, Dickinson, Meek, Mandel, Sweezy etc. have participated in the long debate on economic calculations in socialist society. The explorations have discovered some theoretical solutions. Soviet Union may lose itself both ways. The so-called orthodox economists mentioned above and the new economists endorsing the economic reforms would be critically studied in the world communist movement; in the exploration of scientific socialism. The crisis in economic theory is a certainty in this academic exercise. The crisis in theory is more important than the crisis in the political power.

In this essary, we will study how the organisational forms in the commodity production would emerge in the progress of the economic reform in Soviet Union. The structure of the economy from the standpoint of management would be, inter alia, as under :

(1) The enterprises would be competitive in the socialist economy.

(2) Each enterprise will earn profit by selling commodities.

(3) The market prices through competition would be engendered in the socialist economy.

(4) The workers would receive wages out of the incomes of their own enterprise. This is connoted in the phrase 'self-payment' used in the literature on economic reform.
Acceleration in the economic reform is connected with more investments in modern technology in production processes. This would cut down the cost of production, improve the quality and increase the supply to the consumers. Consumers in this context is the purchases in the inter branch transactions of the enterprises also. This finally would increase the profits of the enterprises. The profit is connected with wages. More the profits of the enterprise, more the wages of its workers. Mr. Gavriil Popov in his book Management of Socialist Production (Moscow 1986) has underlined that the consumer would determine the market price'.

This is a broad spectrum. This does not exclude the role of the State. The State-will keep monitoring powers so that the economy is moving towards its socialist goals. This is repeatedly emphasised. All enterprises will interact in the economy in their autonomous status. This is economic democracy and freedom in Socialist Market.

Types Of Enterprises

The Soviet economy will have many types of autonomous enterprises ranging from the Individual Enterprises. As we know that the Soviet Union has passed the law allowing family enterprises under the term Individual enterprises. The bigger groups will also ensue. The co-operative enterprises, the joint stock companies, and the ministerial-departmental corporations would also emerge in the economy.

The Soviet Union has passed the law whereby the joint ventures with the collaborations with the foreign capital and technology will also be permitted and encouraged in the economy.

This classification of the commodity producing enterprises obviously will have different organic composition of capital. This is fully known to the students and the scholars of Marxism. Thus there will be lower organic composition of capital and the higher organic composition of capital in the sectoral distribution of the enterprises.

These enterprises will operate in the competitive economy. Marx has explained that the values created in the lower organic composition of capital are transferred info the enterprises having higher organic composition of capital. This transfer of values, Marx has cognised, as an aspect of exploitation. This is the main point of my criticism.
If the wages are going to be decided by the income of the enterprise to which the workers belong, the organic composition of capital will make significant differences in the formation of the wage levels. Since the values will be transferred from the enterprises with low organic composition of capital on the market, their \ workers will share in the reduced incomes of the enterprises. The illusion would be created that the wages have been paid out of the income of their own enterprises ; the wage level however will be governed by the level of organic composition of capital in the sectoral investment of capital in the economy. The siphoning off the values will be easily connived at.

Monopoly And Wages Levels

The Soviet economy will precurse two sectors in the economy of commodity production. For example, the individual enterprises would be allowed freely. It could however be expected that the large scale establishments will be permitted under the system of licences. The natural resources could be rationally distributed by keeping proper control over the number of large scale enterprises. This is quite natural in the planning of the natural resources in the economy moving towards socialism. All the same, this connotes monopoly of some enterprises. The competition of capitals for large scale enterprises will be absent.

There is a transfer of values as said above, even in the competitive capital in the economy. The degree of transfer of values will be accelerated when the capital is functioning in the monopoly status. The enterprise will get super-profits in the lexicon of Marxism. The workers too would get superwages, because its monopoly organisation would have earned high level of income.

Unemployment

The economic reform underlines modernisation and application of latest technology. This would result in reducing the workers needed for the enterprise. The Soviet Union has passed individual enterprises law whereby the unemployed workers will be easily
absorbed. This is a good mechanism in itself. The workers will not be without an activity to earn income. The State shall organise all facilities for the rehabilitation of the household enterprises. The law in this respect is most carefully drafted and is comprehensive. It emphasises that the quality of goods will be maintained in the commodities flowing from these enterprises. Therefore the licence for five years has been provided for in the legislation. It could be revoked if the quality is not maintained. These household enterprises would be distributed as under :

(1) Household enterprises that would produce commodities consumed by the people through the market. For example, bread, tea-shops, pencils, exercise books, tailoring of cloth, etc.

(2) The enterprises that would undertake servicing. For example, hair dressing, plumbing, repairing of vehicles, medical shops, tuitions, come under this category.

(3) Household enterprises which will produce commodities going back to large industries. Specific technical parts, needed by other large scale industries come in this category. This is like the Japanese household enterprises which supply on contract basis to the other large industries special parts of specifications and quality. Here quality is of prime importance.

In itself the promotion of the household enterprises is good. However, some issues of economic theory remain unanswered. The enterprises will have low organic composition and the Marxian theorem informs us that the values would be transferred to the industries with high organic composition of capital. This will be especially true of the enterprises in the third category. Is this "Exploitation" permissible in Marxism? This question becomes relevant even in the other organisations. If the co-operative enterprise supplies commodities to the large scale enterprises under the ministerial form of organisation, the transfer of values will take place if the prices are determined by the principle of competition on the market. Such questions become relevant in the realm of Marxism if the organic composition of capital as a parameter of the law of value is considered.

Philosophic Evaluation Of Economic Reforms In Communist Countries - II

DR. SHRIKANT JICHKAR
Minister of State for Information and
Public Relations, G A D, Energy, Finance and Protocol

Once the capitalist economy is abolished, the people in the new society discern characteristics which are qualitatively different. The progress in schools, colleges and universities promote enquiries in all branches of sciences, social as well as general. The technological and managerial accomplishments in the Soviet Union are therefore supreme in this respect. Sputnik is its evidence.


Science and technology in commodity production in farms and factories is relevant from this standpoint. The forms of organisation and the processes of management cannot be fixed entities in the changing science and technology. The earlier forms become redundant. The new forms become imperative. There cannot be dogmatic view of the form. It changes on either side of the scale and size. Larger size organisations or household sizes may become necessary according to the demands of the technology for commodity production and the services necessary for the distribution in the market. Economic reform should be credited with intensive and scientific explorations in this respect.


Marxism, however, substantiates the continuity of relation of production with the ever changing means of production. Forms of organisations may change and the technological and the managerial practices can be modified deeply. The material productive forces remain the common property of all the workers. The Marxian theorem of socialist relationship of all productive forces remain valid in the socialist mode of production. This is why Marx has said that the capitalist relationship of production is the last relationship of production in the history of the political economy.

Jurisprudence Of Equality

The economic reform in Soviet Union has promoted many forms of organisation ranging from household independent enterprises in the economy. The cooperative forms for enterprises may also come into existence. The corporate forms and the ministerial forms will also exist in the economy. All these forms at all levels will have economic autonomy. This will precurse breaches in the relationship of workers with the property in its juridical interpretation.


All citizens will not be equally related with all the productive property everywhere in the Soviet Union. Stalin had delineated this aspect in his book, 'Economic Problems of Socialism in USSR.' The co-operative and the collective farms are juridically different from the state farms. This is clearly defined from the constitutional standpoint by Stalin. The labourers in state farms are juridically equal to the labourers in the state owned industries. Stalin had indicated, by implication of the logic, that all farm labourers would, be equal when all lands would be organised as state farms. State farms and state factories in the Soviet Union, he expected, would some day be accomplished, on the eve of communism when equality in the constitutional theory would be a reality. This is the manifestation of equality in communism.
The reference to Stalin should not be looked with doubt. I have used this reference because it is the only rationality in socialism conceived by Marx. The book by Stalin would be quoted by the Soviet scholars some day in the current debate on economic reform, Hence my reference.

This is a scientifically substantiated interpretation of the Marxian concept of equality of the workers in their relations of production in socialism and communism. We should be prepared to understand any other alternative substantiation in this respect.
Workers will now work in their own autonomous enterprises. They would share the income of their own enterprise to which they belong. The concept of productive property in Marxism is organically connected with the income from the property. The Soviet scholars may argue that the property of the autonomous enterprise does not belong to the workers engaged in the same. The property remains the property of the state. This is an argument of the sophists. It is also eclectic in philosophy to promote autonomous independent sources of income in the enterprises and also argue to prove that the productive property belongs to all the citizens of the Soviet Union.
The value added flowing from the enterprises belongs to those specific workers. They are going to decide how to apportion the gross income into reserve fund, welfare fund and the wage fund. The Soviet State will generally guide and govern the norms of this distribution inclusive of the taxes. The Soviet people in their supreme political form of the parliament cannot directly interfere in the distribution of the income generated in the enterprises. The exception is the taxes . The State, in it supreme body of the people, can exercise the power to rearrange the distribution through legislation and regulations; But this is a suasive measure in the framework of economic reform. Such measures become fiscal policies to modify the distribution of income. This is done in capitalist economies.

All people are equal in relation to the values added in all spheres of production, i.e. gross incomes of the nation. This economic equality cannot be accomplished in the economic reform. The rigidities of the autonomous enterprises may engender, over a period of time, inequalities in income. The privileges of one enterprise would cause the disappearance of the resonance of these workers with all workers in all other enterprises. The distinction drawn by Stalin was a guide to accomplish the philosophic resonance among all the workers irrespective of the place of work. Wherever you contribute your labour, you will share all values produced everywhere in Soviet Union. This constitutional vision of equality is connoted in Marxism. Economic reform is a rupture from this theory arid spirit of equality in the communist society. Stalin was moving from the transitional juridical inequality towards constitutional-universal arid permanent equality. Hence the distinction between the cooperative farms of agriculture and the state farms was indicated in the book. He had acclaimed that all forms of organisation are inferior to the state ownership, from the standpoint of constitution of the Soviet Union, If we study the entries on scientific socialism, and communism in the Dictionary of Communism and Dictionary of Political Economy published in the year 1981 from Moscow, it is confirmed that the view of Stalin has been accepted in the Lexicon of Marxism. The book written by fifty scholars on Fundamentals of Marxian Leninism "in 1961 and revised in 1963 also explains the details of the ownership of productive forces in communism and the same lines that was rationalised by Stalin in his book mentioned above. Therefore, the juridical view on the ownership of productive forces in communism defined by Stalin appears to have been approved in many standard official text books in Soviet Union. Communism would remove all inferior forms and engender single form of ownership 'of all productive forces. Economic reform is a regression from the standpoint of equality in the jurisprudence of property in communism.
Democratic Enterprises
The most exhilarating proposition of the economic reform in Soviet Union is the democratically elected top leadership of the enterprise which is responsible for accomplishing the goals of management. The autonomy of the enterprise basically is governed by this proposition. We can read the pros and cons of this proposition in Moscow News. It is most ably argued by those who support it. The chairman and the board of management will be elected by the workers in the same enterprise.
This innovation it is argued, will cause disappearance of bureaucracy. The logic us. absolutely sound. Nobody can deny that the truth emanating from the formal logic of this innovation will remove managerial abuses of powers. This abuse of power could be one of the sources of increasing alienation of workers in the socialist economy. Mr. Dmitry Kazutin has elaborated the debate on this aspect in Moscow News No. 10 dated March 8, 1987. All aspects of this innovation are considered in this essay.
It would be a kind of impatience to pass judgment on the feasibility of this proposition. The Soviet workers have imbibed new values of life despite some marginal vices. They are able to accomplish the expected results of the democracy in management. If it is proved true, it would be a single biggest victory in the world of management. The major hurdle of bureaucracy would be done away with in the management of business all over the world.
Readers should be conversant with the doubts expressed in this respect. The elected administrative officer will not be able to enforce discipline upon the workers who have elected him to the prestigeous post in the management. The managerial decisions which are unpalatable to some workers or the workers in general will cost him in his continuation in the next election.
Elected chairman in the organisation has its concomitant in the principles of his governance. His duties, powers, responsibility and also the accountability are organically related to his being the common conscience registered in the election. His words, advice and orders should not be dishonoured by those who have elected him. We hope that the Soviet workers possess this wisdom to honour the chairman. In the ultimate analysis it engenders the characteristics of one man management in the enterprise.
For common types of indiscipline like drinking, late coming, frequent absence without permission etc., the orders of the elected chairman would be honoured. However, the major problems may crop up in the retrenchment and allocation of gross income. The case study of the railway establishment in Bylorussia is described in Moscow News No. 10 dated March 8, 1987. Another case study of the theatre company is also discussed by Alexander Svobodin in the. same Moscow News.
In the first flush of enthusiasm, the reported results of such cases are encouraging. Problems may come after some concrete experience for some period of time. Modernisation is conceived in the acceleration as a programme, which implies retrenchment of labour component. It has been repeatedly reported in the official documents of the Soviet Union that labour-capital ratio is adverse. Modernisation and acceleration are therefore underlined in the economic reform. Retrenchment is imperative in the economic reform.
Allocations of the gross income of the enterprise is yet another issue of great relevance. In the economic autonomy of the enterprise, the gross income would be allocated into reserve funds for modernisation, welfare funds for the employees and the wage fund for paying salaries of the employees. The embarrassment is likely in the decisions of the elected chairman in this respect. Both these issues of retrenchment and allocation of funds are discussed in the report of the story in Bylorussia mentioned above.
This aspect of democratic management through the election of the top office bearers of the management is not delineated by me to predict a failure. We should rather credit the Soviet workers with a high sense of enlightenment in the environment of socialist society for the last seventy years. Experience has endowed them wisdom to take up the challenge.
My conclusion is : Elected chairman and his top assistants will make or mar the economic reform in Soviet Union.
The success or failure of the democratic management in economic reform has nothing to do with the issues discussed from the standpoint of socialist ownership of property explained earlier. In the style of the philosopher Kant, we are experiencing the antinomy. If all people own all property of the Soviet state, is the correct philosophic cognition in Marxism, the historical materialism of the communist society ought to be accomplished in that development. If the Soviet leaders have experienced failure in the above-mentioned development we can draw two conclusions. The Soviet leaders have neither understood Marxism nor are honest in the implementation of programmes connoted in Marxism, emanating from the principles of Marxism. This is one line of conclusion. The alternative conclusion could also be stated. The leadership in the Soviet Union, their economists and their philosophers have come to the conclusion that property cannot be owned collectively. All people can not be equal in the political economy of socialism. The deduction of the economic theory of Marx was itself wrong and therefore idealistic in philosophy.
The two issues, viz the relationship of productive forces and the democratic management of an enterprise, have deep philosophical import in the world communist movement. Issues like this cannot be handled unless one has the patience to study more data and information both in theory and the practice.
Public Finance in Soviet Union
The state of the Soviet Union will exist along with the progress of the economic reform. Mr. Gavrill Papov has given the perspective. Steadily the state will be removed from the economic activities of the enterprises, generally. The state finances and the business finances of the enterprises will function separately. The budget of the Soviet state will therefore not include the profits and losses of the enterprises. The capital investments allocated from the budget will also disappear in the economy of the enterprises.
In the text-books published earlier in Soviet Union, it was informed that there would be a common consumption fund of the state. The equality of the citizens in communism will be accomplished through the operation of this common consumption fund. Larger the fund, more the services and goods distributed freely to the citizens. This is exactly the proposition work according to capacity and consume according to needs, in the period of communism. The fund was slowly including many services and goods made available to the citizens freely. Medical services, education, recreation, and some elementary items of food etc. were provided through this fund.
This process will be abolished, though steadily in the progress of economic reform. One can read the discussion in this respect in Moscow News. The state has allowed economic autonomy to the enterprises. The income of the state budget would be restricted to taxes. We read in the Soviet literature that turnover tax and income tax, inter alia, are the sources of income for the budget. The discussion on paid-services is available in Moscow News. The idea is the reduction in the quantum of the common consumption fund.
With limited amount of this fund, the state would be able to undertake programmes for some people only. Obviously, the poor people would be covered in the scope of the activities of the common consumption fund. This mechanics would, be synonymous with the welfare schemes in the capitalist countries. Families with more incomes will prefer to go in for paid-services. As said earlier, the income differentials due to organic composition of capital would ensue in the economy.
Autonomous enterprises would earn more income according to the high organic composition of capital and the degree of monopoly exercised by the respective enterprise. The enterprise with high income may promote, and it is suggested that they should promote, programme of social security and welfare for their workers out of their own funds. The islands of prosperity would evolve in this autonomy of the enterprises. Public funds from the budget would generally cater to the needs of the under privileged citizens. Poorly equipped hospitals and schools versus the most sophisticated ones would precurse in this process.
Let us take the case of the members of the independent individual enterprises which would grow in the economy. Their family members would be different from the workers in the large scale corporation from the standpoint of the benefit from the funds allocated by the enterprise for the welfare of its own workers.
The members of the family working under individual enterprise would work for as many hours as possible and without holidays. The workers organised in the large enterprise would however have regulated hours of work, holidays etc. Will this not engender cultural differences ?
Are we marching forward towards equality as is connoted in communism defined by Marx ? There is juridical equality in Soviet society, but the economic reality is otherwise. This paradigm of the economic reform is like the socialism of the Fabian Socialists. The state will tax the high income levels and will use them for the welfare of the people who are less privileged.
Whither Glasnost
The editorial in Economic Times, Bombay (March 4, 1987) has informed the readers in India that the Soviet Union leadership had invited persons like Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance, John Denver, Alvin Toffler, etc. for an exercise in Glasnost, which means openness. These people visited Moscow and had experienced the social environment in Soviet Union and discussed issues with concerned people in Soviet Union. We know that these people are known for their opposition to Soviet Union and its communist philosophy. This gesture should be welcomed. Even opponents were given the opportunity to feel the difference themselves.
New Age weekly of Communist Party of India has also reported this visit in the description of Masood Alt Khan, in the issue dated March 8, Glasnost like this in itself is praiseworthy because it helps to remove prejudices. What is strange of this glasnost is the neglect of similar openness with the people who are working in the world communist movement. There are accredited parties and also other Marxist parties all over the world. In their individual capacities many scholars are studying and helping the world communist movement. They have been neglected during the last one year. The openness with the enemies of communism and isolation from the persons and parties who have similar wave-length is the contrast of Glasnost of Soviet Union.
(1) The Soviet Union should convene the conference of the parties of the world communist movement. It would be graceful on their part to invite all communist parties irrespective of the principle of the accredited parties.
(2) In order to make the international conference really meaningful, the literature of the economic reform should be supplied to them. The essays of the dissendent members of the Soviet Union should also be supplied to them. The parties should know both the viewpoints. Before attending the international conference in the Soviet Union, each participating party should convene the national conference of its members to study and prepare their notes. If possible, all the communist parties and groups should sit together to know each other on the issues 'of economic reform.
(3) The views of these national conferences should be widely published for the knowledge of the concerned fellow travellers in India.
If it suits the principle of Glasnost, the Soviet Union should invite the scholars of Marxism who will study the economic reforms not only in Soviet Union but also in other communist countries. Let us remind ourselves that the Marxists all over the capitalist would cannot be neglected if economic reform in communist countries need to be examined from the standpoint of Marxism. They are the scientists of Marxism as a science. Despite their own differences in the theories of Marxism, they have the academic qualifications to judge economic reform.
The American weekly, Time, in its issue dated March 9, has reviewed the events in China. It has quoted from the periodical, Liberation Daily, published from the people's liberation army. The expressions are categorical. It expressly says that the economic reform will not accomplish communism. official paper is quoted. The general attitude of the communist movement to pooh-pooh the bourgeois press is not good in the field of political information.
The New Age of March 9, also includes a report from Prague. It appears that the Czechs feel proud of the fact that their academics of market socialism has been manifested in the economic reform in Soviet Union. The news has indicated cogently the political difference between Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in 1968 when Prof. Ota Sik published his essay on market socialism. All the same, the Czechs have every right to celebrate their pleasure. The news could be read between the lines. One feels that the writer of the news feels unhappy about this celebration. This is not Glasnost.
It is suggested that we in India should be equally open-minded in the discussions and dialogue on economic reform.
Conclusion
I have studied all the essays written by Dr. M. G. Bokare on economic reforms, specially in Soviet Union and they have inspired me to think on similar lines. Nobody should arrogate to himself that he loves communism, Soviet Union, China and Vietnam and has the monopoly of the same. Many common citizens also have similar love for the people in the socialist countries. Science, however, must be studied as science.
Two alternatives, as conclusions, can be stated from the brief review of the essays. They are stated as under:
(1) Marxian economic theory. The Soviet leaders and their economists are honest in their task to accomplish the goals of socialist economy as has been defined by Marx and Lenin. They however experienced that in practice the Marxian proposition of state ownership of all means of production and its centralised planning is Utopian. Therefore they are discarding the Marxian theory in the political economy of socialism. They do not possess courage to spell this fact. May be that they would declare so in future.
(2) The communist leaders are dishonest in their understanding and practice of Marxism- Leninism. Therefore they are unable to accomplish the socialist economy defined in the Marxian economic theory. The leaders seek self-interest in power. Marxian economic theory of the political economy of socialism is true. It is in the hands of the dishonest leaders in communist countries.
The economic reforms in communist countries would be discussed in the world communist movement. Many Marxists, as individuals and in their parties, have declared their judgments on the line of the second conclusion. There could be others who may uphold the first conclusion. Practice has proved the unscientificness of Marxian economic theory, they would express.
It is expected that the knowledgeable people including the communists should also express themselves. The bourgeois press is already writing on economic reforms. If the Marxists do not show interest in this dialogue, I feel that they are myopic in their philosophical disposition. Economic reform is a cross-road in the domain of Marxism.
I generally feel that the following conclusions of Dr. M. G. Bokare should be critically examined by the scholars in Marxism.
(1) Marxian economic theory has been proved Utopian in the communist countries. The communist leaders are honest and have tried their best to implement the theory in their economies.
(2) Economic reform is a pragmatic approach to rescue the socialist economy from the crisis of Marxian economic theory.
(3) The economic reforms however in their present scope will not help these countries to refurbish their socialist image, philosophically.
(4) Scientific socialism is yet to be discovered in economic theory.
Are Leaders In Communist Countries Dishonest ?
This question needs to be studied, because some communists can argue that Marxism is true, but those who execute the Marxist programmes are dishonest. Here we use the term dishonest in the widest connotations as under ?
(1) The political leaders have not studied Marxism thoroughly. Their wisdom of Marxism has not emanated from the knowledge of Marxism. Philosophers should rule. T

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